In this article, the claim, which states that linguistic minorities actually believe their identification with the Chinese nation is significantly higher than that with their own ethnicity, is the one I find the most interesting, since it contradicts my personal experience and first two sources. After reading my narrative, one might believe that linguistic minorities have little sense of belonging to the Chinese nation or Mandarin. Even I myself think in this way. However, this article modifies my view by disclosing that they actually care a lot about their identities as Chinese. The writers point out that “their ethnic identity is also dual in nature; they must maintain their own uniqueness as a member of a minority while integrating into the Chinese nation as a whole.” (77) Also, unlike Erbaugh and Guo, who emphasize the fact that linguistic minorities always stick to dialects, the authors in this article argue that to some extent, the linguistic minorities may sometimes neglect their dialects and practice Mandarin and this “could be understood as a pressure of mainstream culture.” (87) This explanation applies to my narrative, since it was the prevalence of Cantonese that forced me to step out of my comfort zone and learn Cantonese in order to communicate with my classmates. This source reports the view that linguistic minorities actually have the willingness to practice Mandarin, which is completely different from the former two. It also corroborates the conclusion I draw from the second source: Mandarin and dialects are not totally opposed.
In addition, the authors reveal an underlying reality that the policy which claims dialects and Mandarin are equal is actually unequal in practice. The authors mention that due to some deep-rooted thoughts in history, minority languages have not meant to be equal though this inequality was not explicitly written in the constitution. In the article, one minority student complains that “it have never occurred to most Hans (Mandarin speakers) that minority languages and Chinese should be equal, even in minority communities.” (85) These minority students’ dissatisfaction of the current status of their languages shows that the war is continuous. The only changes might be that it is secret rather than open right now and is far less intense. Minorities are still struggling to promote the status of their native languages. But compared to their weakness in history, they have gained more acceptances.
In addition, the authors reveal an underlying reality that the policy which claims dialects and Mandarin are equal is actually unequal in practice. The authors mention that due to some deep-rooted thoughts in history, minority languages have not meant to be equal though this inequality was not explicitly written in the constitution. In the article, one minority student complains that “it have never occurred to most Hans (Mandarin speakers) that minority languages and Chinese should be equal, even in minority communities.” (85) These minority students’ dissatisfaction of the current status of their languages shows that the war is continuous. The only changes might be that it is secret rather than open right now and is far less intense. Minorities are still struggling to promote the status of their native languages. But compared to their weakness in history, they have gained more acceptances.